Islamophobia In The Daily Mail Inciting Racial Hatred - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 19 Words: 5601 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Tags: Islam Essay Did you like this example? Islamophobia is defined in the dictionary as being: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"hatred or fear of Muslims or of their politics or cultureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th and the London 7/7 bombings amongst others, some say islamophobia within the media has increased significantly. This work intends to discuss the coverage of Muslims and the religion of Islam as a whole within the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"middle marketà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ newspaper The Daily Mail and explore whether publications such as the Mail are representing the Muslim race in a negative light. Oneà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s interest in the subject matter involved is one that has derived from what is seen, amongst others, as bad journalism; middle market and tabloid newspapers inaccurately reporting issues concerning races such as Muslims. On a daily basis one can pick up a newspaper these days and spot numerous flaws, incorrect language or overall representation of a religion such as Islam. Also, a personal affliction or view in the area is the way in which Muslim communities within the UK are slowly being isolated and are being criticised collectively for the actions of a small population of the religion. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Islamophobia In The Daily Mail Inciting Racial Hatred" essay for you Create order When exploring the relationship between the modern West and the East, one should look upon the concept of Orientalism. Saidà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s (1978) work draws on the concept of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"usà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"themà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Orientalism is never far from what Denys Hay has called the idea of Europe, a collective notion identifying à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“usà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? Europeans as against all à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“thoseà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? non-Europeansà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Said, 1978: 7). This notion refers to the historical manufacturing of Eastern beings as alien, the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Otherà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, by the West. It is the negative portrayal of extremist Islamic images within frameworks such as the Mail that progresses, as Halliday (1996)(remember reference for this!, see notebook [2]) suggests, this à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"myth of confrontationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ that pardons à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the Westà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ of any need to excuse its enmity towards the E ast and religions such as Islam. Before this paper looks at effects of the theory of islamophobia, it is worth evaluating the polarity of the term itself. Whilst some could say the branding of the term can draw attention to the issue for positive means, further comprehensive literature on the subject and enquiries commissioned (e.g. 1997 Runnymede Trust, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All), there is a flipside. Academics have inferred that this is just another, more refined form of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"new racismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ according to many sociologists. Sociologist Professor Gerard Delanty describes the use of the term islamophobia: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“It is rooted in mainstream hostility to migrant workers and asylum-seekers, and is based to a considerable degree on ethnocentrism and xenophobia à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ on ignorance and fear of the otherà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Delanty: Conference, see notebook for full reference[1]). Delanty is saying here that the categorisation of the idiom of islamophobia could be creating a new f orm of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"acceptableà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ racism. The UK media industry is said by some to be institutionally racist: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“This racism is rooted in the countryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s imperial past, with feelings of racial superiority and crude nationalism now deeply embedded in the dominant cultureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬?. (Keeble, 2009: 175) 2 per cent of the NUJ membership was black, Asian and Arab in the first media-industry wide survey in 1995 by Anthony Delano and John Henningham. Comparing this alongside the national ethnic minority population percentage of 5.26 percent at the time, and it does speak volumes. My research will include a plan to address this view and explore how far or to what extent this reflects an islamophobic nature within newspapers such as The Daily Mail. However, to discuss how à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"deep rootedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ this patriotism, or national feeling of superiority over other races goes would be discursive from the intended discussion of the titleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s topic. The role of a national newspaper such as the Mail needs to be highlighted to display the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"contextualisingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ link between islamophobia and the public. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“The fact that a familiar newspaper offers a sense of identity and possible security to its regular readers is an important contextualising factor when considering questions of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"raceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and ideology.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Ferguson, 1998:175) Considering middle market newspapers such as The Daily Mail and Express along with the tabloids represent more than two thirds of the national daily readership figures (1997 survey: do footnote for this), this is a first base argument for explaining the negative (potential) effect of the press on the masses. A matter to take in to consideration is the recent resignation of Daily Star journalist Richard Peppiatt, on the grounds of the papers islamophobic content. Albeit a personal letter to the Daily Starà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s proprietor Richard Desmond, the letter highlights a wide range of anti-Islamic features in the everyday characteristics of national newspapers such as the Star and Mail and labels the former as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"anti-Muslim propagandaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. The letter does refer to how closely the content of the Star is to the Mailà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s through criticism of how the newspapers editors à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"build a newspaper from cut-and-paste-jobs off the Daily Mail websiteà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. Where he admits to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"stirring up a bit of light-hearted Islamophobiaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ himself on the basis that this was in his professional duties at the Star, his disapproval of this demonization is prevalent throughout. He refers to a story the paper published conc erning the condemnation of taxpayer-funded Muslim-only public toilets: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“I was personally tasked with writing a gloating follow-up declaring our postmodern victory in à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“blockingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? the non-existent Islamic cisterns of evilà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Peppiatt, 2011). This could just be seen as one individualà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s personal attack on a proprietor and therefore not have much worth but it does relate to, and support the theory of institutional racism within the British media. For the proposed intentions of this paper, it is worth noting the presence of Muslims within Britain. In the 2001 UK Census the population of Muslims from all ethnic groups within Britain was just short of 1.6 million (insert reference to table of figures in appendices here). The age old argument from many anti-immigration supporters is that the Muslims within Britain do not attempt to immerse themselves within British culture or à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"ourà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ way of life, owing to increased tensions between the two cultures. Figures show that nearly half (46.4%) of all British Muslims now living in England were born in the country. It could be said that those Muslims who came to the country as adults (first generation) are grateful for the chance to live in a more open society and therefore more willing to integrate themselves within à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"ourà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ culture. The sooner Western societies such as Britain aid this process of integration with the likes of firs t generation Muslims, the better. As the younger (3rd and 4th) generation of Muslims born in England grows, we could see Muslim communities become increasingly ostracised due to young Muslims anger towards the role of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the Westà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ in Muslim lands and issues such as islamophobia within the media becoming more customary. It is also worth presenting the PCC editorial guidelines with regards to discrimination: The press must avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to an individualà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s race, colour, religion, gender, sexual orientation or to any physical or mental illness or disability. The second part of the guideline refers to the details of those minority groups and how one should avoid inclusion (of those details) unless necessary to the story. The way in which newspapers such as the Daily Mail steer their content around these guidelines, in order to include xenophobic à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"viewsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ will be explored later in the literature review. As this paper explores the surrounding themes of discrimination and false representation within the media and directs them towards the influence of a certain publication, it is important to draw from relevant history of the Daily Mail. Some would say the newspapers prejudice against religions such as Islam is a product of its deep-set DNA shown via the papers sympathetic views of Nazi Germany during the war period. The first joint proprietor and owner Lord Rothermere was known to be a friend and supporter of both Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler and praised the Nazi regimeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s accomplishments, which directed the Mailà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s political stance and was consequently used as propaganda by them. Lord Rothermere published quotes such as: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“the minor misdeeds of individual Nazis would be submerged by the immense benefits the new regimes already bestowing on Germanyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Rothermere, 1933), as well as printing headlines such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“H urrah for the Blackshirtsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Mail, Jan 1934). The Mail was also sympathetic to Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. The support for this group was withdrawn after violence at a BUF rally in Kensington Olympia in 1934, which displays the potential harmful influence of newspapers on the masses. Muslims within Britain have struggled with issues of integration and racism ever since there was an increased focus of attention from the media on the Iranian Revolution of 1979 (Asad 1990, see references in à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"muslim britainà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ book). Television screens across the world showed three million people celebrating on the streets of Tehran when Ayatollah Khomeini, known for his support of hostage takers and his calling for the death of British citizen Salman Rushdie, came out of exile; a disconcerting image for most Westerners. The Salman Rushdie affair in 1989 demonstrated the degree to which the media and British Muslims who protested against the bookà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s (The Satanic Verses) publication became à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"emotionally unhingedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Parekh 1992, see same book + ref) over the issue. The book deeply offended Muslims and ignited debate on blasphemy laws and freedom of speech. Other historical events have all played a part in what Hu ntingtonà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s (1996) thesis describes as a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"clash of civilisationsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, these being: The Gulf War (1990-1), the genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1993-6), the Oklahoma bombing (1995), the Taliban in Afghanistan (1997-2002), Grozny and Kosovo (1999), the recent Palestinian Intifada (since September 2000) and the War on Iraq (2003) (Abbas 2005: 14). These events have and the media , some say (Huntington 1996) widened the gulf between East and West, Islam and Christianity and amplified the theory of Orientalism. (maybe do a little on September 11 attacks here) This paper intends to explore and discuss the different factors owing to the islamophobic content displayed in the Mail and how far it is damaging the representation of Muslim communities within Britain. It would be pointless to explain how islamophobic reporting increased or decreased over the past decade or so as it would be plain to see the increases in islamophobic content around the times of terrorist activities. One will analyse contributing factors such as the origins of islamophobia, the identification of islamophobic content, how closely does that content abide by editorial guidelines and the effect on Muslim communities through critical discussion of the topic and data analysis. The reason as to why one thinks this subject is important and would be of interest to others is the increasing multi-cultured population of Britain. As more ethnic minorities such as Muslims continue to live in Britain, increasing tensions towards people of a particular race can only put more strain on an already weak relationship with Muslim communities. The purpose of the paper is to critically evaluate and characterize publications, specifically The Daily Mail and its role in reinforcing or articulating racism, and in damaging ethnic cultural identities. The ways in which these issues are to be addressed and analysed will be explained through my research and its content analysis. Literature review The aim of this chapter is to identify themes relating to the title topic from previous published literature and critically analyse those premises. The intention here is not just to identify those relating themes, but to analyse, criticise, interpret and evaluate those themes in connection with supporting or opposing the underpinning arguments of this paper. Over the past decade or so there is has been an increase in the amount of writing, due to rising concerns from Muslims worldwide, explaining how discourses such as newspapers in Western media are misrepresenting ethnic minorities such as Muslims through presenting a negative image of Islam. My research will however focus on the Daily Mail in particular, portraying negative stereotypes, and the effects those portrayals have, on Muslim communities within Britain. In summary, this chapter will draw from prior literature and examine the complex structures and strategies of news reports and how they affect the interpretations of reade rs. How much does the role of publications such as the Mail play in the reproduction of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"racialà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and ethnic inequality in British society. Some of the earliest writing relating to British newspapers such as the Mail portraying Islam as a threat to Western interests comes from Teun van Dijkà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s: Racism and the Press. The issue of immigration within British newspapers is one that allows anti-Muslim voices to be heard, subjectively criticising the rise in the multiculturalism of Britain: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“The Mail specifically focuses on alleged abuses of British à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"hospitalityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, and calls for stricter immigration rules. It does not hesitate to publish, with apparent approval, overtly racist statements by right-wing politicians who claim that without further curbs on immigration Britain may become the worldà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“dustbinà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬?.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Van Dijk, 1991: 96) What Van Dijk is inferring is that through government policies concerning issues such as immigration, any right-wing anti-immigration views from politicians or people within the public eye will be published by the Mail with the noticeable support of the paper. Whilst highlighting the political stance and nationalistic nature of the publication, a defence for the paper would revert to free press every time. The earliest and most relevant research in this topic area has also been carried out by Teun Van Dijk. His work in the collection of empirical data surrounding the press and issues of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"raceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ is a starting point for anybody analysing institutional islamophobic contentà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s effect on British Muslims. Van Dijk started this foundational research in plain content analysis of British newspapers, analysing content such as the repetition of certain words used in headlines in attempt to rouse certain meanings from them. He describes the repetitive use of certain topics of discourse such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"blackà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"raceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and how they are dealt with by the press as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"semantic macro structuresà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“These global, overall meaning structures of a text consist of a hierarchically arranged set of macro-propositions, which are derived from the meanings (propositions) of the sentences by way of macro-rules. These rules reduce the complex information of the text to its essential gist.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Van Dijk, 1991: 72) Van Dijk is correct in some ways in saying that the prevalence of such vocabulary would suggest that the discursive agenda of newspapers is entrenched in concerns with à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"raceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. In his book Representing Race, Robert Ferguson agrees there are some uses of Van Dijkà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s research: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“It would seem from this as though the media are enganged in an endless process of reproducing already existing prejudices and stereotypes. The extensive content analysis which was undertaken by Van Dijk also demonstrated that ethnic minorities and anti-racists are à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"systematically associated with conflict, crime, intolerance and unreliability.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Ferguson, 1998: 130) The flaws in Van Dijkà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s research are that using empirical data, or strictly content analysis, to develop an understanding of representation can somewhat distort the power of ideology in newspapers text or framing. However, without being blatantly racist, newspapers such as the Mail through concepts of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"normalityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ can still give strength to negative representations. (Maybe use this paragraph in methods) The detrimental representations of Muslim asylum seekers to Britain, in publications such as the Mail, are highlighted in Arun Kundnanià ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s The End of Tolerance. Phrases such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"we have to look after our own people firstà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, a regular idiom in the Mail, gives strength to the inherent belief within Britain that we cannot satisfactorily provide for ourselves, never mind foreigners or à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"themà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ as well. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Thanks to the opportunism of media and politicians, asylum seekers and migrants had been made in to potent symbols for the loss of a nation-state that once à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"belongedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ to its people and afforded them certain privileges as citizens.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Kundnani, 2007: 65) This argument is stating that through newspapers persistence in covering issues of economy and well being, the Mail amongst others, tend to shift the blame of these national problems on to asylum seekers, from communities such as Muslims, for increasing the population and adding to pre-existing problems such as rises in unemployment. The only critique of this concept adding to the misrepresentation and islamophobic nature of the Mail, is that this problem spans over a huge area and is historically embedded within a nationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s way of thinking. My research aims to uncover the day to day anti-Islamic features of the Mail and expose the problems of intentional or institutional racism that could potentially be fixed. In some ways, previous literature has explained that events such as 9/11 and other Islam related terrorist activities give acceptance to emerging islamophobic voices or views within the media. Chris Allenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s chapter in Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure, highlights the enabling of publishing extreme right views on terroristà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s religions without backlash. In the wake of Baroness Thatcherà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s condemnation of Muslim leaders in the Times, insisting that all Muslims à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" as a homogeneous group à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" should share responsibility for the attacks (4 October 2001). The Telegraph days later published an article entitled à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"This War Is not about Terror, Ità ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s about Islamà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (7 October 2001). à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“This article sought not only to praise Baroness Thatcherà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s stance, but also confirm that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Westernà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ fears were justified because à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"some three-quarters of the worldà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s migrants in the last decade are said to have been Muslims (these) escapees, victims, scapegoats, malefactors and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“sleepersà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? are awaiting their moment.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Allen, 2005: 61) Jonathan Birtà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s chapter in à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Muslims in Britainà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ also agrees with this post 9/11 islamophobic reaction from the press without simply analysing the textual content of a newspaper: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“After 9/11, the more prejudicial media comment portrayed British Muslim communities, and especially their young men, as a dangerous and unpatriotic fifth column, which were sympathetic to anti-West resistance and, indeed, the use of violent terror. Mass communications today shape and order these Islamophobic moral panics and the reactive defence to them.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Birt, 2009: 217) Here, we can see Birt is agreeing that post terrorist activities, the media is allowed to give a free press voice to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"racistà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ views and opinions without fear of backlash from media regulators. The defect in analysing the islamophobic nature of publications such as the Mail surrounding terrorist actions is that it is to be expected. There is bound to be a bad press reaction to national identities and religious viewpoints, how far the negative portrayal of those identities goes without trepidation of media regulators punishment, is an issue that needs to be addressed. The British Journalism Review (March 2006) argues that the same harmful representation of Muslims within the media is the same for other terrorist groups such as the IRA. One can see similarities between views of Catholics from Ulster in the 1980à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s and Muslims today, that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“religious affiliationsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? trumped all other affiliations: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“In Britain and the United States the popular line was that if you were a Catholic, you probably supported the IRA. Today, if you are a Muslim, the popular line is that you are probably anti-western or fundamentalist. This is not to say that journalism was and is responsible for these views, but rather that de-contextualised coverage did and does little to throw cold water on old stereotypes.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? The closest literature relating to the topic title comes from Elizabeth Pooleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Reporting Islam: Media Representations of British Muslims. The book analyses the current situation regarding the image of Muslims by tracking the development of this form of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"new racismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ from earlier works. Poole says that the theme of immigration as a problem has now transferred to Muslims (van Dijk 1991), due to, as Lueg (1995) says a population à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"explosionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ in the Middle East. British Muslims and their homogeny to other Muslims become the feared à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"fifth columnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ within (Runnymede Trust 1997). This combined with the discussion of numbers of people à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"invadingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ the country depicts aspirations of taking over the world, not seeking asylum. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“The combination of the hostile threat and movement of Islam promotes the idea that it needs to be managed in a way that allows varied prejudicial practices to continueà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Poole, 2002: 47). What Poole is saying is that a plain dislike of the notion of Islam cannot be seen as the central feature of hostility towards Muslims. Attitudes to Muslims derive from à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"a mixture of xenophobia and racismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ whereby newspapers such as the Mail can discuss or mainly criticise some of the practices of Islam without being seen to be unashamedly prejudice towards Muslims. Another adjoining piece of literature that many academics have drawn from when discussing this topic, is Edward Saidà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Covering Islam: How the media and the experts determine how we see the rest of the world (1981). Said argues that the siege of the American embassy in Iran in 1981 and its media coverage initiated an increased attention and portrayal of Islam with danger, militancy and anti-Western sentiment. The text examines the genesis and ramifications of the mediaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s monolithic images of Islam and reveals the twisting of fact that underlies à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"objectiveà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ coverage of the Islamic world. Said says the application of a Western ideological framework or an à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"ethnocentric way of seeingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Dahlgren and Chakrapani 1982: 45) has meant we see a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"domesticated Islamic world or those aspects considered to be newsworthyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Said 1981: 27). This has created a dichotomy between the West and Islam whereby the West is seen as judicious, civilized, developed and superior, and Islam as abnormal, undeveloped and inferior. There are a small number of published journals that closely share the intentions of this paper. Diane Frostà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Islamophobia: examining casual links between the media and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"race hateà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ from à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"belowà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2007) analyses the media reporting on recent and ongoing terrorist attacks in Britain and the effect on Muslim communities. The paper discusses islamophobic tendencies within British tabloids and their connections with government policies and violence that concerns religion. Whilst it highlights the mediaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s promotion of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"moral panicsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ such as problems of asylum and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"raceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, it is saying British tabloids breed on these moral panics, going further than the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"threatà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ that is actually presented. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Thus, the media have represented Muslims as a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"collective problemà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ who threaten the very fabric of British society as supporters of al-Qaida and potential suicide bombers. They are the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"folk devilsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ of the twenty first centuryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Diane Frost 2008 find out how to reference journal). It is worth noting that there are strong links between increased anti-terror legislation and other government measures and the way in which publications such as the Mail criminalise Muslim communities when reporting on such measures and legislation. This type of research will be considered in the methods section of the paper. Ian Hargreaves writes a piece in the New Statesman that demonstrates the negative coverage of immigration from the Mail in relation to fuelling racist attitudes. He says: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“It is not that I view with cynicism the Daily Mailà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s efforts to achieve balance in its reporting of racial issues. Rather, I think the paper is misguided in discounting the encouragement its asylum coverage gives to racist sentimentsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Hargreaves 2000). Reverting back to the theory that newspapers such as the Daily Mail have colonial instincts and an anti-foreigner viewpoint established within its DNA, Hargreaves is trying to say that these publications are not intending to be racist; they simply believe the types of stories concerning Islam being published are due to the public-interest factor. Christopher Allenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s journal discusses the dangerousness of the concept of Islamophobia in analytical relation with the findings of the Runnymede Trust Report (1997). The reportà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s findings concluded that Islam is inherently seen as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"otherà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ to the West, reinforcing the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"themà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"usà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ dualism. Taking this in to consideration, Allen says we should not be surprised à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"to see such headlines as The Daily Mailà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s offering, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“Fanatics with a death wish: I was born in Britain but I am a Muslim firstà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬?. Here the Mail is merely reiterating those beliefs that are lodged at the heart of Islamophobiaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Allen 2008: 4). The intention of this chapter was to identify underpinning theories, themes and issues published in previous literature in order for readers to understand the intentions of the research and findings that will be developed in the methods and data analysis. Methods and methodology This chapter will discuss the research that this paper will be carrying out, the reasons for using those methods and what results are to be expected. The most appropriate methods will be discussed along with their advantages and limitations, with ethical considerations ensured so that the data is collected in an ethical way. The bulk of previous research method approaches to the mediaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s role in the reproduction of racism are mainly content analytical; quantitative and qualitative modes picking out the use of stereotypical words, phrases or image(s) used when representing ethnic minorities (see, for example, Van Dijk 1991, 1997). The reasons for this are that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the communication process is symbolic, and deciphering it inevitably has pride of placeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Downing and Husband 2005: 26), media researchers can access this readily available material rather than examining the construction process or how readers deduce and act upon the text. This discourse analytical method systematically describes different structures and tactics of text in relation to a social or political framework. The method enables for the identification of focus on certain topics in a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"semanticà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ analysis form as well as allowing examination of the overall à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬ ËÅ"organisationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ of news reports. Essentially this means à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"discourse may thus be studied as the crucial interface between the social and cognitive dimensions of racismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Cottle 2000: 36). So, publications such as the Mail as a discourse in the social practice of racism can be seen as a main source for peopleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s racist views/beliefs. According to Berger (1998: 23) content analysts in media research à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"assume that behavioural patterns, values and attitudes found in this material reflect and affect the behaviour, attitudes and values of the people who create the materialà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. The advantages and reason as to why this paper will be adopting a similar style of research is that whilst being most importantly primary, there is no technology or major funds necessary and it has been known to lead to fundamental changes in the practices of an institution, profession and society as a whole. Also as Berger ( 2011: 214) says the data collected can be expressed in numbers. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“These numbers provide detailed information that can be interpreted to gain insights into the mind-set of those who created the textà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬?. Another method of research that will be employed is that of conducting surveys to gauge the attitudes and opinions of Daily Mail readers and readers of other newspapers, concerning how the paper represents ethnic minorities. This intends to highlight the negative effect a newspaper has on readerà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s views of a religion such as Islam and the race of Muslim. Previous survey research done in this area comes from Fourieà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s (2001) Media Studies: Institutions, theories and issues. Using a case study of the press in South Africa, the research featured a survey asking people their perceptions of racism in a number of different publications. The research was conducted by the government (ACNielsen survey) after a large number of complaints were made to the South African media regulatory body (Press Ombudsman), that certain newspapers were being overtly racist. The research found that 37% of people saw the concerned newspaper as being at least à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"fairl y racistà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (the other above category being à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"very racistà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢), owing to the governmentà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s implication of fines on the newspaper if any more à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"racistà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ content was published. Other survey research done by European research bodies (such as, European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia) includes the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Racism and cultural diversity in the mass mediaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ report where a similar style of questionnaire design was used. The survey style asks the same type of question i.e. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"how racist do you think this publication/newspaper is?à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ providing a spectrum of answers including; slightly racist, fairly racist and very racist. The ethical considerations that need to be addressed here is that one could condemn this research method data saying the questions are too leading or that the opinions of the researcher could play a large role in the data collected. With regards to the former limitation, it is the intention of the research to avoid the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"neutralà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ viewpoint as it would be more or less unusable data for the purposes of this study. By introducing the survey as an academic stud y to identify whether a newspaper is racist is introducing a form of bias; a four point à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Likertà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ scale should thus be used. In order to avoid people who like to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"sit on the fenceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (especially concerning issues of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"racismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢), by using a smaller Likert scale, the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"neutralà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ viewpoint à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"can be avoided by using a four-point scale in which the respondent is à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"forcedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ to express some degree of, for example, agreement or disagreementà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Davies and Mosdell 2006: 93). Also other ethical considerations were respected including obtaining the consent of the participants and ensuring that their confidentiality and anonymity were maintained. For the content analysis of the Daily Mailà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s perceived inciting of racial hatred, the content that will be analysed will be the amount of articles within a time period of 6 months the issue of Islam and Muslims is reported on in a negative manner. The practice of content analysis, established by the likes of Berelson (1971) and Krippendorff (1980) means identifying the sub-components of an issue featured in the text(s) to be analysed and then studying that media in question over a designated set period of time, counting the amount of times they turn up. This method enables the recognition of certain contours of coverage on a certain subject or issue, allowing for questions to be asked such as; did some newspapers repeatedly feature stories related to people of colour and were there periods of increased or lesser coverage surrounding activities of extremist groups? The types of articles that will be used in the research (see appendices for examples) present Muslims and the religion of Islam as a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"problemà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and their difficulties with conflicting issues when integrating themselves within British society. The negative context, in relation to identifying relevant articles will adopt a similar method employed by van Dijkà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s (1991) research. Here the headlines of newspaper articles concerning issues of race were identified and then proceeded to count how many times negative words such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"policeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"riotà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ were used, illustrating the negative context in which issues concerning ethnic minorities were raised within a certain publication. As Hartmann and Husband (1974, 1976) suggest, this demonstrates how news issues concerning ethnic minorities tend to be based around notions of racial tension or crime problems, identifying members of race grou ps as a problem for à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"usà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (white society) to deal with. The research will compare the amount of times within a 6 month (do time period here) period these types of articles concerning Islam are presented in the Mail as well as how many times an article concerning the neo-Nazi anti-Muslim group The English Defence League (EDL) is shown. This will hope to demonstrate a correlation between increased amounts of Islamic coverage at a certain time with articles on/activities of the EDL. This will also serve to highlight to an extent, the intensifying nexus between extremist right media and movements (Downing and Husband 2005). With regards to the questionnaires that will be collected, the scope and design need to be established. The scope or amount of participants that the research intends to gather are as follows; 150 readers of The Daily Mail and double that amount, 300 of readers of all other newspapers. As the research method employed to gather this amount of data means standing outside a busy newsagents (W H Smithà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s in Lime Street Station, Liverpool) and asking people who have bought newspapers to answer a short survey, to attempt to gather any more than that provided would take a considerable amount of time and effort. As people are normally quite reluctant to take part in surveys due to time constraints the survey will not ask for some of the standard demographic information such as age; gender; nationality; ethnicity; religion etc. As well as cutting down on the amount of time it takes to complete a survey and the ethical considerations concerning anonymity of the participants, the demographic information would be irrelevant considering the questions that are being asked. The questionnaire will ask what newspaper the participant reads, usually a quick and easy question to answer considering the people who I will be asking have just recently bought a newspaper from the newsagents and will realise this is what my questionnaire is concerning. The questions will then be presented to the participant asking their opinion on a statement from a spectrum of answers, these being, for the first question: slightly racist, fairly racist and very racist, and for the second question: strongly disagree, disagree, agree and strongly agree. The questions and their framing (with tick boxes) will be as follows: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"How racist do you think a) The Daily Mail b) The Guardian and c) The Daily Star are?à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ Slightly racist Fairly Racist Very Racist (Repeated for b) and c)) à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Do you think the Daily Mail supports extremist groups (such as the English Defence League)?à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ Strongly disagree ii) Disagree iii)Agree iv) Strongly agree This method does not force a yes or no answer that some participants may be reluctant to give considering the invasive nature of the questions. At the same time it could be considered to be avoiding leading questions. Where the participant may realise the questions are intended to produce certain types of generalisations so they would answer accordingly for the purposes of the research, they have some form of choice in which to express their opinions. The two types of research methods that this paper will be employing will be that of content analysis within a theoretical framework and surveys conducted. The aim is to achieve a form of triangulation in which to infer meanings from when analysing and evaluating the collected data. Data, analysis and discussion Conclusion

Political Morality And Leadership Lessons - 2220 Words

Discussions about political morality and leadership often lead differences of opinion over the means to attaining them even in the face of numerous consensuses about the nature and scope of the end itself. This means that most commentators on the issue disagree on many philosophical or procedural bases but yet agree on some. A classic example of this dualism is represented in the leadership lessons covered by Cicero, on the one hand, and Machiavelli on the other. Whereas their lessons are fundamentally divergent in many regards, there are some subtle points of implicit convergence. The purpose of this essay is to assess with a comparison and contract of the lessons as found by the assigned writings of Cicero and Machiavelli. Both of these books providers time-tested theories and assertions that have been used to obtain and sustain power and leadership. One of the points of convergence in the leadership lessons offered by both philosophers is the appreciation of the role of fate or accident that occurs when one is thrust into a power position. Whereas both do not underestimate the role of personal attributes and dedication in attaining these positions, they strongly hold the position that chance and fate can be a major contributor to one’s ascendance to power. Cicero, for instance, argues that â€Å"chance or opportunity thrusts upon the individual† when it comes to attaining kingdoms, command, high offices, nobility, property and wealth (Cicero, 1951). He further contendsShow MoreRelatedLeadership Qualities Of Nelson Mandela875 Words   |  4 PagesAfrica, Mandela was treasured for his outstanding leadership style, wisdom, motivational behavior, and courage of bringing people together to live in harmony. 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The Unwanted Free Essays

I am writing this letter because I want to recommend the book –â€Å"The Unwanted† by Kien Nguyen to 11th graders in high school. â€Å"The Unwanted† is a work of nonfiction and it is about the Vietnam War. This is the true story about Kien’s childhood life after the communist takeover Vietnam in 1975. We will write a custom essay sample on The Unwanted or any similar topic only for you Order Now In my opinion, war is cruel for people, and it causes many different social issues. The students in 11th grade are studying history, and history is a requirement subject in high school. The major theme in this book for 11th graders is the effect of war. Since teens need to study history at school, they only learn from the book. However, they never imagine a war is always related to our life. The reason for 11th graders to learn from war is discrimination. Discrimination happens in every country and discrimination still exists in our life, especially in the United States. The United States is a multi-ethnic country, and there are many different races’ people live in the same community. Discrimination not only happens during the war, but it is also happens in school. At school, teens are studying with different races of classmates, and they have different cultures and backgrounds. So teens should learn how to get alone with each other. For example, Kien is a mix-raced and he is a good student whom his teachers are proud of his accomplishments. His teacher recommends him to be a leader in front of parade. He is very proud and it is a good challenge for him to do his best. He wants his mother to be proud of him too. However, his dean cancels his qualification before the parade begins because of his mix-raced. His mother is ashamed about Kien’s mix-raced and she is very worry about him. When the police go to check their family status after the fall of Saigon; his mother worries about his identity. If the police know about Kien’s identity, they might take him to jail. So his mother dyes his hair to make him looks like a Vietnamese. To dye Kien’s hair and hide his identity shows Kien is discriminated by social community. Although racial discrimination exists in our society, people take pride in mix-raced. Most people nowadays consider mix-raced kids as beautiful or handsome. However, mix-raced kids are discriminated during the Vietnam War; their fates are terrible because the communist take over Vietnam and American help their opposite side. Therefore, the communist consider American as enemies. So the discrimination nfluences teens 11th graders because they need to know more about the social problem in the war. Also, teens should learn the racial discrimination from Kien’s experience. It could always remind teens to get alone with others when they have discrimination at school or in community. Besides, learning more discrimination information also helps the m to improve their historical knowledge. Another reason for me to recommend this book to 11th grader is appreciation of Kien’s hard life after the war. Now, our living standard is better than the life in war; however, some families are still facing financial problem. Also, Kien’s life is affected by Vietnam War which he must work hard to support his family’s financial problem. Moreover, 11th graders can learn from Kien’s experience, begin to live independently. So, this is a good chance for the teens to learn a lesson from Kien’s experience. For example, Kien was living in a wealthy family, and he doesn’t need to worry about his life. However, his life has changed after Vietnam War. He works hard to less his mother’s burden. Sometimes he feels helpless because no one can help him; everyone is worrying about their life at the same time. He finally learns how to take care of his family and earn money for his family. He is matured by his life and he acts like an adult. No matter how bad the living environment Kien has, he still accepts it. As teenagers, we should learn from Kien’s life experience to handle our difficulties. Also, this is the useful and helpful message for 11th grader; they can learn a lesson from Kien’s hard life and learn how to handle the difficulties if they have family financial problem. On the other hand, survival and hope are the most important factors in our life. Everyone has a hope when they live in the world and works hard to find a living way. If people do not have a hope to survive, they might live like a person without soul. Also, some of people never give up when they lose their hope; they try to find their hope to survive. But some teens do not think so, sometimes they feel hopeless when they are facing difficulties without any helps. In this book, Kien is hopeless just after the fall of Vietnam. He is too little to handle all of his difficulties in his life. Because he is the oldest son for his mother, he has to take all of the responsibilities. Kien never gives up when he is facing his difficulties. He tries his best to help his family out of Vietnam. His father is an American and he is looking for his father; he needs his father’s help, and he wants his father takes him out of his misfortune. From his difficulties to a way out of Vietnam, it gives him a hope in his life. When 11th graders study many different wars around the world, some of them might feel people in the war are hopeless and helpless; they don’t want to accept their misfortune. It also helps teens to understand even the environment is terrible, they still can find their way to live. As a result, survival is very important in everyone’s life. I like this book very much after I finish it. I am so excited and nervous by Kien’s life changes in this book. I really want to recommend this book to 11th graders who are interest in history and want to study history, because students in 11th grade begin to study history and it is the requirement subject in high school. So, this book can helps them to know more details of historical events in Vietnam War. From Kien’s life, hope and discrimination in the war, they can get the different point of view in the book. Also, they will learn how Kien helps his family and handles his hardship in his life. Now, the teenagers don’t understand the difficulties after the war, because they live under their parents’ protection. For some teens are mix-raced like Kien, they can compare the different situation about the discrimination with Kien’s experience. Before, I had heard some histories from my parents about the Vietnam War and I had learned a little bit at school, and I don’t know how people live during the war. Now, I can image how Kien’s life in Vietnam and how hard he lives under the community society. How to cite The Unwanted, Papers

A Critical Overview on Eureka Hunt †Free Sample Essay

Question: Write an essay onA critical overview on Eureka Hunt by Jonah Lehrer. Answer: Lehrer has portrayed an exclusive description about the neuro-science in his well-known article, The Eureka Hunt. The title of the article itself seems to tell the readers about the aspects that the article is going to deal with. The author very deftly gives an account of the concept of an insight. The very statement that makes commencement of the article, Why do ideas come to us when they do?, renders the truth about an insight or about the reality of life. Lehrer in the article, although aims at informing the readers about the perception or the theory of insight, he does it in a very subtle and dexterous mode. The author illustrates an anecdote that catches the readers attention and before going through an in-depth study of the notion or the thought, becomes able to receive the message that the author intends to convey. The author very dexterously presents an event before the readers that picture a real life incident, in which a firefighter confronts a very dangerous and life-taking massacre and while doing so, he demonstrates an ecstatic example of how the instantaneous insights can actually come to an individual and can do wonders. The incident as described by Lehrer depicts the true incident about Wag Dodge, the fire fighter who did manage to survive a deadly forest fire that blazed in Mann Gulch, in Montana, although he lost his comrades in their pursuit of bringing the lethal fire. Only the occurrence of an insight did save the life of Wag Dodge. As and when Wag becomes aware that the entire situation has trapped him completely, Dodge encounters an escape plan through an insight, he ignites the ground in front of him, lies down on behind the shadow of the fire, and continues to breathe by clutching a wet handkerchief to his mouth and survived. In accordance with this event, Lehrer gives an anal ysis of the insights and the causes that lead to an insight made by the well-known neuro scientist Jung Beeman. Analysis The above incident is followed by the authors analysis of the evaluations made on the concept of insights by Mark Jung-Beeman, a well-known cognitive neuroscientist from Northwestern University. Mark Jung due to his intense interests to discover the cause behind an insight, had undertaken the experimental word puzzles along with another neuroscientist, John Kounios , through which they have found that puzzles were solved by the candidates with the help of an insight. An insight occurs when a small portion of the tissue on the right hemisphere of the brain becomes active and the cortex of the brain becomes relaxed instead of much focusing upon an issue. Much focusing upon an issue will never lead to an insight, insight occurs only after once the mind gets blocked from and suddenly the right hemisphere of the brain gives way to the most awaited idea or initiative. The tone of the article is very direct and formal but at the same time touches the heart of the readers and also creates a sudden revelation among the readers about such a topic that hardly receives any attention from the individuals. The language used by the author is quite scientific, although it suits quite appropriately the mode of literature review. The author has very subtly presented the anecdote and the subsequent scientific analysis of the same that will attract the readers attention. Reference: Lehrer, Jonah. The Eureka Hunt.

How far did the achievements of Stalins economic modernisation programme justify the costs Essay Example

How far did the achievements of Stalins economic modernisation programme justify the costs Essay Stalin once said the USSR was fifty to a hundred years behind the west: either the USSR caught up or they would be crushed. As a consequence an extremely rapid economic modernisation programme was introduced. Stalin succeeded brilliantly turning the USSR from a backward country to the leading world power. However this came at a severe cost of millions and millions of lives, at the outset it may seem clear that the achievements of modernisation do not justify the costs for the Soviet people. However without it the Allies might have lost the Second World War.The main attribute of the economic modernisation programme was Stalins five year plans. The first one began in December 1927 after the end of Lenins New Economic Policy (N.E.P.). This point is known as the start of the great turn where the direction of the Soviet economy changed towards a central planning Command economy. Many historians maintain that this is the point where communism went wrong and that they now only left themselv es to rule by tyranny and totalitarianism and where they would have been better off to continue with the N.E.P. Stephen Cohen suggests the USSR would have done better with the limited market economy of the 1920s, they accept the pace would have been slower but far fewer waste would have been produced.1 However this view is contradicted by R. W. Davies who suggests that N.E.P had limitations such as serious unemployment and an unfavourable effect on other sectors of the economy, such as education and the railways2 Davies believed that decision to begin a rapid industrialisation programme was made because of the political judgement of how essential it was for the USSR to increase their defences and establish a heavy industrial sector.Targets for the plans were set for industrial enterprises and were backed by law so failure to meet them was treated as a criminal offence acting as a very effective motivator. The first plans main emphasis was on heavy industry with electricity productio n trebled, coal and iron output doubled, steel increased by a third, huge new industrial complexes and tractor works were built. Stalins overall aim was to increase heavy industry by 300%! However, many historians have questioned the reliability of Soviet statistics.There was such fierce pressure on plants that managers were known to hi-jack lorries of materials destined for other plants so they would have the resources to meet targets.3 Also mistakes were covered up under the mass of paperwork because the only thing managers cared about was showing they met targets even if this was untrue; this led to the system showing that it was working where in fact this was not the case. The scapegoat for these shortcomings was the bourgeois specialists. They were accused of deliberately holding up supply and causing breakdowns. After many had been imprisoned and put on show trials it was apparent that the loss of so many valuable workers caused so many problems that Stalin ordered the offensi ve to be dropped.4 Overall though not all targets were met mainly because they were far too unrealistic, massive growth was achieved in certain sectors which led the way for further growth in Soviet Union. To add to this the western capitalist countries were suffering the effects of huge unemployment and economic recession.5The second five year plan was planned a lot better to ensure that the problems of shortages and miscalculations didnt happen again. There were still many problems with it involving shortages and wastage but not anything like on the scale as the first plan. The second five year plan concentrated mainly on new industries such as communications and transport which grew rapidly however did still include some heavy industries. By the end of the second plan in 1937 the USSR was almost self sufficient in machine making and metal work. In the years 1934-36 known as the three good years there was less pressure of industrialisation, and families had more disposable income. The third five year plan started in 1938 when the Soviet Union was experiencing a slowdown in the economy where heavy industries almost stopped growing. It ended after only three and half years because of the German attack on the USSR. The main area focused on was armaments and defence with the increasing out look of the USSR being invaded. The other problems with the third five year plan were the shortage of qualified and experienced workers for the Gosplan because many had been killed due to the Purges. Overall the economic situation after the interruption of the third plan was even more chaotic with shortages and wastes. The whole three five year plans were known as the planned economy this phrase is a entirely misleading as there was very basic planning if any. However Stalin had succeeded in industrialising the USSR in order to have a basis for a powerful arms industry.6In terms of contemporary Soviet historians the five year plans were a huge success but as David Evans says th ey were far less creditable due to the plans being affected by Confusion, waste and inefficiency7. Also due to the population increasing from 147 million to 170 million is a large factor to the rapid modernisation resulting from the extra labour available. The best explanation of the success of the five year plans I feel comes from Evans If the success of the five year plans is to be measured against any immediate increase in the prosperity of the Russian people then they were a resounding failure. On the other hand it might be argued that millions had died and the people forced to endure hard labour, shortages m reduced living standards and the loss of personal liberties in order to create a better life for the future generations of Russians.8The other main section of Stalins economic modernisation programme was collectivisation; however this was not an achievement because of the huge human and economic costs. It was started in mid-1929 for two reasons, firstly because it was part of Marxist theory that all land had to be owned by the state, with no private land being used to make profits on goods farmed there. The second reason was that Stalin wanted a platform to kick start the largest sector of the economy which was agriculture and he wanted this to assist the five year plans by providing enough food to feed the workers and providing surplus to sell to buy modern equipment to industrialise. Many historians see collectivisation as the most extreme and rapid part of Stalins modernisation programme. The idea of it was to make the agricultural sector more efficient by combining many small peasant farms to large state run collective farms (kolkhoz). This links in with theory of economies of scale and the use of modern machinery to increase production. In November 1929, Stalin wrote, By the spring of 1930 we shall have 60,000 tractors in the field.9 This vision of such rapid growth was completely unrealistic with this number of tractors not existing and nor even the factories to produce them.In order for collectivisation to be successful living standards throughout the Soviet Union would have to remain low to make sure that food prices did not rise. If the USSR could buy and then sell food (at a profit), money could be made to help finance industrialisation. Very few peasants actually joined the collective farms voluntarily because they would lose their equipment and land to the state, so on the 7th November 1929 Stalin ordered mass-collectivisation which forced peasants to join the farms using military forces this continued through the winter of 1929-30. Stalin wanted the liquidation of the kulaks as a class!10 The kulaks were used as scapegoats for the grain shortages with many deported to GULAGS, shot on sight or forced to starve to death. There was resistance to de-kulakisation however with kulaks burning their crops and slaughtering their animals as they would only lose them to the state anyway (there was 50% less livestock in 1932 th an there was in 1928). Jerzy Karcz claims that Stalin actually helped the crisis by lowering payments for grain allowing meat prices to raise therefore encouraging peasants to switch from grain farming to livestock.11 The forced collectivisation was a political success in spring 1930 with 60% of peasants now on collective farms, this figure rose to 77% in June 1930 and 90% in 1936.12Soviet propaganda was used to cover up the failure with focusing on the intense hate-campaign against the Kulaks. There was an extreme human cost to collectivisation especially in Ukraine and Kazakhstan where there was mass famine, this was kept a secret to the world therefore tragically no foreign aid was received. To add to this, Kazakhstan was where greatest depletion of livestock occurred more than anywhere else in the USSR with high 80s% of all livestock destroyed.13 It was made an offence punishable by five years in prison simply to refer to it (the denied famine)14. Families died lying outside war ehouses full of grain but under armed guard15 Estimates of the deaths vary wildly and are impossible to verify as with all communist figures; a figure of five-million overall is a reasonable average.16 However Chris Ward has investigated the human cost and believes the figures could be as high as 20.1 million deaths including famine caused by collectivisation, de-kulakisation, gulags, collective drive, and terror.17Overall collectivisation was a disaster. Stalin confessed to Churchill that it had caused more damage to the Soviet Union than the German invasion. Urban workers could not manage collective farms. In 1932, the private plot allowance was given: half a hectare on which produce could be grown. It is no surprise that the peasants devoted all of their energy to their private plots and the barest minimum to the collectives. Therefore the majority of agricultural goods came from the peasants plots rather than the collective farms; furthermore it took until 1940 for grain to reac h the 1914 level and took until 1953 for livestock to reach the pre-collectivisation levels. Additionally the peasants fared atrociously, even worse than the workers of the five year plans because of the mass numbers killed or sent to labour camps. Finally Stalin purposely caused a famine in the Ukraine to destroy the people there seeking independence from his rule; the result was that an estimated 7 million people starved to death in the area known as the breadbasket of Europe, Stalin deprived these people of food that they had grown themselves!18 Simply no-one gained from collectivisation proving it was a complete failure.19Workers also suffered in the economic modernisation programme. At first many supported the plans with thousands of young workers volunteering to work on remote projects, they simply wanted a better society for them but mostly for their children.20 The conditions and pay of the collective farms were so bad in some places that peasants kept moving on to different factories and lodgings until they found the best of a bad bunch or whatever was left. In the coal industry in 1930, the average worker moved jobs three times in a year.21 This is supported by Oxley who states that average real pay in 1932 was only half of what it had been at the end of N.E.P because of rising inflation.22 However workers with skills or even semi-skilled were being sought by many factories and managers and therefore commanded higher wages and perks such as extra food rations, this is because less than 7% of the work force were skilled.As the USSR had little money in modern machinery most of the work had to be done by hand therefore needing millions of workers a figure that could not be met by volunteers. Thats why Stalin ordered forced labour to be introduced. Millions of kulaks were used as a great part of the forced labour completely against their will, showing any lack of freedom and independence. Also enemies of the state were used as forced labour comprising of various religious groups and former members of the bourgeoisie. They were transported all over the new industrial areas and had fewer rights and were treated worse than the volunteer workers. Workers were worked so hard that in order to receive another days food rations to survive they would have to work to their physical limits. Deaths were very frequent.Targets were set not just for factories and managers but even for individuals, Alexei Stakhanov became a model worker in 1935 when he miraculously cut 102 tonnes of coal in one shift, 14 times the average. He became known as a Hero of Socialist Labour and propaganda encouraged all Soviet workers to be like Stakhanov. All over the USSR workers tried to emulate Alexei Stakhanov in every sector of the economy, and managers using it as an excuse to accuse workers of laziness. This shows the degree of propaganda that was used to trick peasants into working to death which can definitely be considered a human cost, J. P. Nettl talks abou t posters being issued in work places on which the names of the slackers, doubters and ill-disposed persons could be publicised and therefore criticised by their work colleagues. The achievement of plans and work norms has always dominated official propaganda23Punishment was also used to motivate workers; it was common for workers to hear threats of labour camps if they didnt work harder. Absenteeism was also almost completely removed with it being punishable by fine or removing the workers ration book. In 1940 it carried a prison sentence24. To add to this appalling treatment of the workers they were forced to carry labour books which outlined whether they had worked hard or not, anything but good comments could lead to prison, and with a prison sentence being 3 years or over the prisoners were sent to labour camps to provide cheap labour. Stalin adopted the view that it did not matter if prisoners and workers died working whether from excursion, starvation or the lack of health an d safety with many workers dying in accidents, the only important factor Stalin was interested in was that the project was finished and finished on time.Further use of fear to maintain and increase progress was used upon managers and technicians with the failure to meet targets punishable by industrial trials. The only evidence in these trials (which were heavily published to act as a warning to the rest of the workers) was confessions but these were only given because of threats or ill treatment in prison. Another method of implementing fear was the use of the secret police. Firstly they restricted workers freedom by stopping those workers moving jobs because workers required internal passports and in order to receive one needed to register with the police. However, the police often refused out of fear for not meeting their production targets. This is again a human cost as it restricted the workers freedom and job opportunities.Overall the workers fared extremely poorly under the p lans. Managers treated their workers extremely badly with dangerous conditions consequently accidents resulting in deaths were very common. The GULAG inmates were worked to death either by starvation or exhaustion. Workers had to work severely long hours at very low wages. Millions of enemies of the state and kulaks were used in order to fuel this industrialisation with them being treated as slaves. Ridiculous targets were set and punishments were often death for failure to meet them. Absenteeism and low productivity was made a criminal offence during these plans showing evidence of the absurdity of the nature of them. The five year plans had large focus on heavy industries, infrastructure and defence, consumer goods were simply overlooked as was the value of a human life as long as the project was finished that was the most important thing. Stalin saw this as a sacrifice that Russians had to make in order for the Soviets to catch up with the west and be prepared for a Second World War.In conclusion Stalins most admirable skill was his ability to predict the altering nature of the world, and his ability to understand that the USSR had to be fully prepared for war on a massive scale. Therefore I can understand historians who justify the human cost of Stalins economic modernisation programme; because without this rapid programme being in full swing by 1941, it seems very likely that the USSR would have been quickly overpowered by Nazi forces. In the 1930s Stalin realised the ever increasingly likelihood of war and rapid modernisation was the only way for the USSR to survive it, therefore had to be achieved no matter what the human cost! Stalin was responsible for the deaths of 20 million people; but then the war killed even more, and even more would have died had the USSR been defeated.Stalins view of Machiavellianism (where the ends justify the means) clearly justifies the human cost of modernisation for the final result of the USSR claming victory in the Secon d World War. Furthermore turning the USSR from a backward country to a leading world power. This idea of Machiavellianism also explains Stalins view of individuals being unimportant compared to the state. This is supported by him saying In order to make a good omelette you have to smash a few eggs.From my western view I cannot justify the human sacrifices for the rapid economic modernisation programme. However Russian society is of such a different nature that individual rights do not matter to the same degree as in western society because there is more focus on the state. Evidence of this, is the support for Stalin on the 60th anniversary of the Allied victory over Nazi Germany, held in Red Square in Moscow with many people holding Stalin portraits. So overall I feel that the achievements of Stalins economic modernisation programme did not justify the costs; but I do understand Russian historians who would disagree with me. How far did the achievements of Stalins economic modernisation programme justify the costs Essay Example How far did the achievements of Stalins economic modernisation programme justify the costs Essay Stalin once said the USSR was fifty to a hundred years behind the west: either the USSR caught up or they would be crushed. As a consequence an extremely rapid economic modernisation programme was introduced. Stalin succeeded brilliantly turning the USSR from a backward country to the leading world power. However this came at a severe cost of millions and millions of lives, at the outset it may seem clear that the achievements of modernisation do not justify the costs for the Soviet people. However without it the Allies might have lost the Second World War.The main attribute of the economic modernisation programme was Stalins five year plans. The first one began in December 1927 after the end of Lenins New Economic Policy (N.E.P.). This point is known as the start of the great turn where the direction of the Soviet economy changed towards a central planning Command economy. Many historians maintain that this is the point where communism went wrong and that they now only left themselv es to rule by tyranny and totalitarianism and where they would have been better off to continue with the N.E.P. Stephen Cohen suggests the USSR would have done better with the limited market economy of the 1920s, they accept the pace would have been slower but far fewer waste would have been produced.1 However this view is contradicted by R. W. Davies who suggests that N.E.P had limitations such as serious unemployment and an unfavourable effect on other sectors of the economy, such as education and the railways2 Davies believed that decision to begin a rapid industrialisation programme was made because of the political judgement of how essential it was for the USSR to increase their defences and establish a heavy industrial sector.Targets for the plans were set for industrial enterprises and were backed by law so failure to meet them was treated as a criminal offence acting as a very effective motivator. The first plans main emphasis was on heavy industry with electricity productio n trebled, coal and iron output doubled, steel increased by a third, huge new industrial complexes and tractor works were built. Stalins overall aim was to increase heavy industry by 300%! However, many historians have questioned the reliability of Soviet statistics.There was such fierce pressure on plants that managers were known to hi-jack lorries of materials destined for other plants so they would have the resources to meet targets.3 Also mistakes were covered up under the mass of paperwork because the only thing managers cared about was showing they met targets even if this was untrue; this led to the system showing that it was working where in fact this was not the case. The scapegoat for these shortcomings was the bourgeois specialists. They were accused of deliberately holding up supply and causing breakdowns. After many had been imprisoned and put on show trials it was apparent that the loss of so many valuable workers caused so many problems that Stalin ordered the offensi ve to be dropped.4 Overall though not all targets were met mainly because they were far too unrealistic, massive growth was achieved in certain sectors which led the way for further growth in Soviet Union. To add to this the western capitalist countries were suffering the effects of huge unemployment and economic recession.5The second five year plan was planned a lot better to ensure that the problems of shortages and miscalculations didnt happen again. There were still many problems with it involving shortages and wastage but not anything like on the scale as the first plan. The second five year plan concentrated mainly on new industries such as communications and transport which grew rapidly however did still include some heavy industries. By the end of the second plan in 1937 the USSR was almost self sufficient in machine making and metal work. In the years 1934-36 known as the three good years there was less pressure of industrialisation, and families had more disposable income. The third five year plan started in 1938 when the Soviet Union was experiencing a slowdown in the economy where heavy industries almost stopped growing. It ended after only three and half years because of the German attack on the USSR. The main area focused on was armaments and defence with the increasing out look of the USSR being invaded. The other problems with the third five year plan were the shortage of qualified and experienced workers for the Gosplan because many had been killed due to the Purges. Overall the economic situation after the interruption of the third plan was even more chaotic with shortages and wastes. The whole three five year plans were known as the planned economy this phrase is a entirely misleading as there was very basic planning if any. However Stalin had succeeded in industrialising the USSR in order to have a basis for a powerful arms industry.6In terms of contemporary Soviet historians the five year plans were a huge success but as David Evans says th ey were far less creditable due to the plans being affected by Confusion, waste and inefficiency7. Also due to the population increasing from 147 million to 170 million is a large factor to the rapid modernisation resulting from the extra labour available. The best explanation of the success of the five year plans I feel comes from Evans If the success of the five year plans is to be measured against any immediate increase in the prosperity of the Russian people then they were a resounding failure. On the other hand it might be argued that millions had died and the people forced to endure hard labour, shortages m reduced living standards and the loss of personal liberties in order to create a better life for the future generations of Russians.8The other main section of Stalins economic modernisation programme was collectivisation; however this was not an achievement because of the huge human and economic costs. It was started in mid-1929 for two reasons, firstly because it was part of Marxist theory that all land had to be owned by the state, with no private land being used to make profits on goods farmed there. The second reason was that Stalin wanted a platform to kick start the largest sector of the economy which was agriculture and he wanted this to assist the five year plans by providing enough food to feed the workers and providing surplus to sell to buy modern equipment to industrialise. Many historians see collectivisation as the most extreme and rapid part of Stalins modernisation programme. The idea of it was to make the agricultural sector more efficient by combining many small peasant farms to large state run collective farms (kolkhoz). This links in with theory of economies of scale and the use of modern machinery to increase production. In November 1929, Stalin wrote, By the spring of 1930 we shall have 60,000 tractors in the field.9 This vision of such rapid growth was completely unrealistic with this number of tractors not existing and nor even the factories to produce them.In order for collectivisation to be successful living standards throughout the Soviet Union would have to remain low to make sure that food prices did not rise. If the USSR could buy and then sell food (at a profit), money could be made to help finance industrialisation. Very few peasants actually joined the collective farms voluntarily because they would lose their equipment and land to the state, so on the 7th November 1929 Stalin ordered mass-collectivisation which forced peasants to join the farms using military forces this continued through the winter of 1929-30. Stalin wanted the liquidation of the kulaks as a class!10 The kulaks were used as scapegoats for the grain shortages with many deported to GULAGS, shot on sight or forced to starve to death. There was resistance to de-kulakisation however with kulaks burning their crops and slaughtering their animals as they would only lose them to the state anyway (there was 50% less livestock in 1932 th an there was in 1928). Jerzy Karcz claims that Stalin actually helped the crisis by lowering payments for grain allowing meat prices to raise therefore encouraging peasants to switch from grain farming to livestock.11 The forced collectivisation was a political success in spring 1930 with 60% of peasants now on collective farms, this figure rose to 77% in June 1930 and 90% in 1936.12Soviet propaganda was used to cover up the failure with focusing on the intense hate-campaign against the Kulaks. There was an extreme human cost to collectivisation especially in Ukraine and Kazakhstan where there was mass famine, this was kept a secret to the world therefore tragically no foreign aid was received. To add to this, Kazakhstan was where greatest depletion of livestock occurred more than anywhere else in the USSR with high 80s% of all livestock destroyed.13 It was made an offence punishable by five years in prison simply to refer to it (the denied famine)14. Families died lying outside war ehouses full of grain but under armed guard15 Estimates of the deaths vary wildly and are impossible to verify as with all communist figures; a figure of five-million overall is a reasonable average.16 However Chris Ward has investigated the human cost and believes the figures could be as high as 20.1 million deaths including famine caused by collectivisation, de-kulakisation, gulags, collective drive, and terror.17Overall collectivisation was a disaster. Stalin confessed to Churchill that it had caused more damage to the Soviet Union than the German invasion. Urban workers could not manage collective farms. In 1932, the private plot allowance was given: half a hectare on which produce could be grown. It is no surprise that the peasants devoted all of their energy to their private plots and the barest minimum to the collectives. Therefore the majority of agricultural goods came from the peasants plots rather than the collective farms; furthermore it took until 1940 for grain to reac h the 1914 level and took until 1953 for livestock to reach the pre-collectivisation levels. Additionally the peasants fared atrociously, even worse than the workers of the five year plans because of the mass numbers killed or sent to labour camps. Finally Stalin purposely caused a famine in the Ukraine to destroy the people there seeking independence from his rule; the result was that an estimated 7 million people starved to death in the area known as the breadbasket of Europe, Stalin deprived these people of food that they had grown themselves!18 Simply no-one gained from collectivisation proving it was a complete failure.19Workers also suffered in the economic modernisation programme. At first many supported the plans with thousands of young workers volunteering to work on remote projects, they simply wanted a better society for them but mostly for their children.20 The conditions and pay of the collective farms were so bad in some places that peasants kept moving on to different factories and lodgings until they found the best of a bad bunch or whatever was left. In the coal industry in 1930, the average worker moved jobs three times in a year.21 This is supported by Oxley who states that average real pay in 1932 was only half of what it had been at the end of N.E.P because of rising inflation.22 However workers with skills or even semi-skilled were being sought by many factories and managers and therefore commanded higher wages and perks such as extra food rations, this is because less than 7% of the work force were skilled.As the USSR had little money in modern machinery most of the work had to be done by hand therefore needing millions of workers a figure that could not be met by volunteers. Thats why Stalin ordered forced labour to be introduced. Millions of kulaks were used as a great part of the forced labour completely against their will, showing any lack of freedom and independence. Also enemies of the state were used as forced labour comprising of various religious groups and former members of the bourgeoisie. They were transported all over the new industrial areas and had fewer rights and were treated worse than the volunteer workers. Workers were worked so hard that in order to receive another days food rations to survive they would have to work to their physical limits. Deaths were very frequent.Targets were set not just for factories and managers but even for individuals, Alexei Stakhanov became a model worker in 1935 when he miraculously cut 102 tonnes of coal in one shift, 14 times the average. He became known as a Hero of Socialist Labour and propaganda encouraged all Soviet workers to be like Stakhanov. All over the USSR workers tried to emulate Alexei Stakhanov in every sector of the economy, and managers using it as an excuse to accuse workers of laziness. This shows the degree of propaganda that was used to trick peasants into working to death which can definitely be considered a human cost, J. P. Nettl talks abou t posters being issued in work places on which the names of the slackers, doubters and ill-disposed persons could be publicised and therefore criticised by their work colleagues. The achievement of plans and work norms has always dominated official propaganda23Punishment was also used to motivate workers; it was common for workers to hear threats of labour camps if they didnt work harder. Absenteeism was also almost completely removed with it being punishable by fine or removing the workers ration book. In 1940 it carried a prison sentence24. To add to this appalling treatment of the workers they were forced to carry labour books which outlined whether they had worked hard or not, anything but good comments could lead to prison, and with a prison sentence being 3 years or over the prisoners were sent to labour camps to provide cheap labour. Stalin adopted the view that it did not matter if prisoners and workers died working whether from excursion, starvation or the lack of health an d safety with many workers dying in accidents, the only important factor Stalin was interested in was that the project was finished and finished on time.Further use of fear to maintain and increase progress was used upon managers and technicians with the failure to meet targets punishable by industrial trials. The only evidence in these trials (which were heavily published to act as a warning to the rest of the workers) was confessions but these were only given because of threats or ill treatment in prison. Another method of implementing fear was the use of the secret police. Firstly they restricted workers freedom by stopping those workers moving jobs because workers required internal passports and in order to receive one needed to register with the police. However, the police often refused out of fear for not meeting their production targets. This is again a human cost as it restricted the workers freedom and job opportunities.Overall the workers fared extremely poorly under the p lans. Managers treated their workers extremely badly with dangerous conditions consequently accidents resulting in deaths were very common. The GULAG inmates were worked to death either by starvation or exhaustion. Workers had to work severely long hours at very low wages. Millions of enemies of the state and kulaks were used in order to fuel this industrialisation with them being treated as slaves. Ridiculous targets were set and punishments were often death for failure to meet them. Absenteeism and low productivity was made a criminal offence during these plans showing evidence of the absurdity of the nature of them. The five year plans had large focus on heavy industries, infrastructure and defence, consumer goods were simply overlooked as was the value of a human life as long as the project was finished that was the most important thing. Stalin saw this as a sacrifice that Russians had to make in order for the Soviets to catch up with the west and be prepared for a Second World War.In conclusion Stalins most admirable skill was his ability to predict the altering nature of the world, and his ability to understand that the USSR had to be fully prepared for war on a massive scale. Therefore I can understand historians who justify the human cost of Stalins economic modernisation programme; because without this rapid programme being in full swing by 1941, it seems very likely that the USSR would have been quickly overpowered by Nazi forces. In the 1930s Stalin realised the ever increasingly likelihood of war and rapid modernisation was the only way for the USSR to survive it, therefore had to be achieved no matter what the human cost! Stalin was responsible for the deaths of 20 million people; but then the war killed even more, and even more would have died had the USSR been defeated.Stalins view of Machiavellianism (where the ends justify the means) clearly justifies the human cost of modernisation for the final result of the USSR claming victory in the Secon d World War. Furthermore turning the USSR from a backward country to a leading world power. This idea of Machiavellianism also explains Stalins view of individuals being unimportant compared to the state. This is supported by him saying In order to make a good omelette you have to smash a few eggs.From my western view I cannot justify the human sacrifices for the rapid economic modernisation programme. However Russian society is of such a different nature that individual rights do not matter to the same degree as in western society because there is more focus on the state. Evidence of this, is the support for Stalin on the 60th anniversary of the Allied victory over Nazi Germany, held in Red Square in Moscow with many people holding Stalin portraits. So overall I feel that the achievements of Stalins economic modernisation programme did not justify the costs; but I do understand Russian historians who would disagree with me.

Starbucks Coffee Essay Example

Starbucks Coffee Essay Example Starbucks Coffee Essay Starbucks Coffee Essay This one phrase sums up Starbucks Coffee’s approach to attracting more customers. They want the customers to feel that they are not â€Å"primarily about coffee† (Holmes, 2004). Starbucks chairman Howard Schultz explains further, â€Å"You get more than the finest coffee when you visit a Starbucks – you get great people, first rate music and a comfortable and upbeat meeting place† (Starbucks Corporation, 2007). Indeed, from that single coffee shop in 1971 (Gallo, 2006), Starbucks has evolved into a global brand that is a hybrid of a place where you can get good coffee, good music, a good book and where you can meet up with friends or business partners. Initially just another coffee shop, Starbucks morphed into a cozy hang-out place in the mid 1980’s – an idea brought about by Schultz’s visit to Italy. Charmed by the pleasant environment enveloping Milan coffee places, Schultz got convinced that this set-up could work in America; hence, the Starbucks of today (Gallo, 2006). Central to the transformation into a comfortable meeting place is not just Starbucks’ irresistible coffee but also a more personal kind of customer service that was achieved through a two-fold approach. First leg of this approach was the inclusion of a wider variety of coffee flavors and other drinks such as chocolate, juice and iced drinks in the menu – as this move gave the customers a wider array of choices, it expanded Starbucks’ market, which initially just covered the coffee-drinking public. Also part of this strategy allowing customers to individualize products by giving them the option to dictate the size, temperature and extra ingredients (i.e. whipped cream, coffee strength, caramel, etc.) of their favorite Starbucks drink (Gallo, 2006). To strengthen this image of personalization, Starbucks made an effort to build a personal relationship with their customers. In fact, a coffee giant that expanded to 12,440 location sin 36 years, Starbucks like to operate like a small, local store where the customers feel like they know the people behind the counters and vice versa (Kiviat, 2006). â€Å"It’s part of the reason [people] go [to Starbucks],† attests CEO Jim Donald (Kiviat, 2006). And to make sure they keep their base of loyal customers (and make sure they continue to add to this base), Starbucks invests a lot on the people working for them – whom they fondly call as â€Å"partners† (and not employees). â€Å"We realize our people are the cornerstone of our success, and we know that their ideas, commitment and connection to our customers are truly the essential elements in the Starbucks Experience,† Schultz expounds (Starbucks Corporation, 2007). Maintaining a ‘knowledgeable workforce’ requires Starbucks to give its partners a rigorous 24 hours of training (divided into six classes discussing different aspects of the job) before being able to stand in the front lines. The logic behind this is that, as Sarah Lockyer writes, Starbucks believe that â€Å"employees should be fully versed in how to make [drinks] and how to market them as well. They should be able to describe the contents and, especially if it’s part of the job description, spell the item correctly on a chalkboard or a menu† (as cited in Ablanalp, Reiliey, Bigler, Laracuente, n.d., p.5). This seemingly hard process of getting incorporated into the Starbucks Company comes with benefits, though. Partners are given stock options and health care benefits and are encouraged to share their opinions on operations and to make their own decisions regarding customer relations. And because partners feel more like their own managers than mere â€Å"worker bees†, partners start feeling good about their work, which in turn equates to a positive relationship with customers (Ablanalp et al.). It is also this commitment to an intimate set-up of operations that prevents Starbucks from using machines in churning out coffees. Schultz explains that it is in their utmost concern that the company’s culture does not get diluted with growth – they pride themselves for their hand-crafted beverages and their beverages are going to stay hand-crafted. Despite criticisms and harsh suggestions that they should snap up and accept the fact that machineries are important to increase efficiency, Starbucks remains firm. Jim Alling, president of Starbucks Coffee US, argues, â€Å"As much as we want to meet people’s desire to produce beverages quickly, we also realize that people want a smile with their drink, that they don’t want to feel rushed† (Kiviat, 2006). Another ploy to making sure Starbucks keeps it edge over the competition is their constant attempt at venturing to other endeavors that will greatly compliment their coffee and enhance what they proudly call as the Starbucks Experience. Like most of their other undertakings, Starbucks crossing over to the music business started from something that they already had and just expanded to cater to customers’ demands. When Schultz noticed that while waiting for their orders customers would often get up and ask about the song playing in the background, it gave him the idea of selling CDs of their ‘house music’ at the cash register (Holmes, 2004). Today, Starbucks has extended to more than just selling CDs – it has now partnered with music labels, started its own 24-hour digital music channel on XM Satellite Radio (genre of which is more adult-oriented jazz, blues, and alternative rock), and built the alternative record retailer HearMusic Coffeehouses in Santa Mon ica, San Antonio, Miami and Bellevue, Washington (Starbucks Corporation, 2007). And Starbucks coverage just keeps getting wider. Kiosks and stalls that sell Starbucks coffee can now be spotted on Barnes Nobles bookstores and some campuses (Ablanalp et al.). With the help of Kraft, their products are now also being sold in supermarket shelves and are now featured as Dreyer’s ice cream flavors. The company may now even start to attempt competing with McDonald’s and Burger King in attracting midday crowd – something that will surely boost sales because as of the moment, 60% of Starbucks’ sales are made before 6 a.m. (Gallo, 2006; Kiviat, 2006). Despite the fact that Starbucks’ price list is not exactly the most affordable in the market, people still continue to support its products. This may be traced to the fact that customers, like Starbucks, believe that â€Å"with any product, there is an inherent link between quality and price† (Starbucks Corporation, 2006). Starbucks got it right when they said that quality is the best and most sustainable driver of higher prices paid. Since Starbucks pledge to deliver uncompromising quality on their coffee, people are almost always willing to pay premium prices to have the privilege of sipping from a Starbucks cup. But Starbucks is not all about making money. The company always insisted that â€Å"putting people before products just made good common sense† (Starbucks Corporation, 2007), they always made a point to not forget that aside from an entrepreneurial mind, they also have a social responsibility. They have maintained environmental stewardship and literacy campaigns on top of producing great-tasting coffee. This, Starbucks shares, endears them more to the people and makes them truly part of a community where a Starbucks is located (Starbucks Corporation, 2006). Some business onlookers may get critical of Starbucks seemingly spreading themselves thin. The company looks like they have tried to cover –and is still trying to cover – a lot of other business endeavors. John Glass, who covers Starbucks for CIBC, says that Starbucks has fallen into a trap. â€Å"You have to have new products. That’s the retailer’s dilemma,† he says (Kiviat, 2006). But who is to say that this game plan is not working for the company? Surely, with its recent efforts at global expansion, Starbucks strategy is – contrary to what the pessimists will say – making them a stronger coffee magnate. On top of their already uncountable stores in America, Starbucks continues to reach out to Europe and Asia. Currently, there are now more than 13,000 Starbucks Coffee Shops in 40 countries, including Japan, Philippines, China, Hongkong, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Puerto Rico, Brazil, and Egypt. In 36 years, Starbucks Corporation has indeed grown into something that nobody may have envisioned when it first came into operation in 1971. Nowadays, Starbucks is not only parallel to good coffee but also to good music, books, food, and community service. Its influence has blown up to include not only the business people and the old who are wont to grab their daily dose of caffeine but also to kids, who now have the option to order chocolate or juice when they tug along with their parents as they drop by for their cappuccino, and students, who has found the perfect study place in Starbucks’ comfortable couches and mellow music. Undeniably, Starbucks has managed to employ a marketing strategy that is not in need of the aid of countless TV and radio advertisements – the image they painstakingly built throughout the years becomes enough for them to survive in an industry where coffee shop companies mushroom so fast. Lucky for the company, they have found the perfect mix of good product, incomparable customer service, and global brand imaging that keeps customer tied to their name. And, as they continue to move forward with the same approach, Starbucks Coffee is sure to stay afloat for a very long time.